岩城 高広

This paper discusses the administrative structure in the Salin region of central Burma through an investigation of source materials called sittan from the reign of King Bodawhpaya(r.1782-1819).One of the fundamental administrative units of Konbaung Burma was the myo. A myo in many cases was composed of a central town (myo-ma), secondary townships (also called myo), and villages (ywa). A hereditary local headman, thu-gyi, ruled each jurisdiction.' The sittans are replies made by these thu-gyis to the king's interrogations. A thy-gyi was required to submit a sittan before the king acknowledged his claim to the office. The sittans contain various information about the local society, such as the lineage of the thu-gyi, the boundaries and population under jurisdiction, and the customary fees and services. The collection of " Salin myo sittan" contains eighty-nine documents. Through the study of the contents of each sittan, the local administrative structure of the region canbe described as follows. While two myo-ma thu-gyis administered the Salin basin and the Mon basin respectively, other thu-gyis ruled myos and ywas. In addition, there were officials who discharged specific responsibilities, such as the supervision of irrigated lands and the collection of dues called taing-gyei. The Salin sittans report the headman's interests in local society, such as thu-gyi sa-myei, lands allotted to thu-gyis for their services, fees collected in judging disputes among villagers, and their share in the proceeds from the disposal of animals. In contrast, the sittans of Hanthawaddy region in southern Burma refer merely to the headman's claim to the office, and the boundaries and population under his jurisdiction. Thus, the author concludes that the headmen of the Salin region exercised greater authority in carrying out local administrative tasks and enjoyed more income than their counterparts in Hanthawaddy.

This paper examines the form of the sittans, inquest records of the early Konbaung period and seeks to present a regional characterization of the Hanthawadi province.<br>The sittans ate the statements made by the myothugyis, hereditary headmen in charge of local jurisdictions called myo, in response to the king's interrogations. A sittan contains various information about local administration such as hereditary claim of the myothugyi, the boundary and population of the myo, and the customary revenues and services. Although the sittans have been treated as one of the important sources to reveal the administrative and economic aspects of precolonial society, there is little research which has focused on investigating the form and contents of the sources in detail. For further research relating to the sittans, a study based on the extensive use of these sources with exhaustive scrutiny will be required.<br>Having been ordered an inquiry into the situation of myos and villages by King Badon (Bawdawhpaya, r. 1782-1819), the local headmen submitted the sittans in the years of 1783-84 and 1802-03 respectively. "Sittan of Hanthawaddy thirty-two towns, B. E. -45, -64", which are preserved in the National Library, Yangon and are available on microfilm from the Toyo Bunko, contains twenty six sittans of twenty two myos of Hanthawadi province in southern Burma. In order to arrange and compare the statements of each sittan, a table which consists of broad nine items was made. The items are A) date and headman's name; B) hereditary claim of the headmen; C) boundary of the myo; D) sources of revenue; E) judicial fees; F) population of the myo; G) history of Hanthawadi thirty two myos; H) situation of Rangoon port; and I) situation of Ranmawadi myo<br>The form of the Hanthawadi sittans came to be classified largely into two types. One is the sittan whose statements are limited to such items as the date and the headman's name, the headman's claim to office and the boundary and population of the myo. This type of sittan was submitted by fourteen myos which were situated along the river of the Pegu, the Ngamoyeik, or the Hlaing. Also, five of these sittans report that the myos were reorganized with the appointment of the headmen. The other is the sittan which gives details of reckoning the taxes and the additional charges which are the perquisite of the local officials. They also mention that the taxes collected are delivered to Toungoo where the crown granary was placed. This type of sittan was submitted together seven myos which were located near Toungoo in the Sittaung basin. The other five sittans could not be classified clearly into specific types, but among them it has been shown that Hanthawadi myoma (Pegu) and Ranmawadi myo (Arakan) had the role of provincial centers in the region respectively.<br>Supposing that we regard the inquest as the ruler's policy of asserting effective control over the resources of the country, it is found that the myos which were situated along the river of the Pegu, the Ngamoyeik, or the Hlaing had been made little contribution, except manpower, to the financial resources of the state. Reorganizing myos seems to reflect the fact that these myos had been in the process of restoration from the devastation brought by the war preceding the rise of Konbaung Dynasty. On the other, the myos which were located in the Sittaung basin had more contact with Toungoo rather that with Hanthawadi myoma.<br>They may have been little damaged by the war, for their sittans retain detailed descriptions about assessing the customary revenue and additional charges.

Three excellent historical studies on pre-modern Burma were published between 1984 and 1990. These books, providing comprehensive views of pre-modern Burma, have raised the level of analysis far beyond what was available before. This article discusses:<br>1) Michael Aung-Thwin. 1985. Pagan: The Origins of Modern Burma.<br>2) Victor B. Lieberman. 1984. Burmese Administrative Cycles: Anarchy and Conquest, c. 1580-1760.<br>3) William J. Koenig. 1990. The Burmese Polity, 1752-1819: Politics, Administration, and Social Organization in the Early Kon-baung Period.<br>Michael Aung-Thwin focuses on the relationship between the state and the sangha during the Pagan period. In the eleventh and the twelfth centuries both kings and laymen built religious edifices, principally pagodas and monasteries, and endowed them to the sangha. This shift of resources (land and labor) to the Sangha resulted in a similar shift of political power. Aung-Thwin argues that the decline of the Pagan Empire was attributed to this structural contradiction and claims that this structure has persisted the present day.<br>Victor Lieberman's book examines the administration and politics of the Toungoo and the early Konbaung periods. Between the late sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries Burma experienced a cyclic trend, in which phases of effective leadership alternated with periods of dynastic decline. This cycle depended on the distribution of resoureces and power between administrative elites and the crown. Lieberman reveals furthermore that maritime trade and administrative reforms made an important contribution to the integration of the Toungoo Dynasty.<br>William Koenig's book provides a case study of the state and society of the early Konbaung period, from 1752 to 1819. His approach to Burmese history is similar to Lieberman's, in that he examines socio-economic background, kingship, political thought, and administrative structure. The richness of Koenig's analysis is present in his discourse on royal succession, the main focus in the politics of the period.<br>Both Aung-Thwin and Lieberman explore the internal dynamics of Burmese history in the Pagan and Toungoo periods respectively, and show us two exciting models. In doing so, they provide counterpoints to each other. Aung-Thwin stresses the continuity of state-sangha relationships, which were firmly established by the thirteenth century, throughout Burmese history, while Lieberman suggests that between the ninth and the nineteenth centuries Burma saw a number of administrative and economic changes mainly derived from maritime trade and internal development.<br>It appears to the author that both models of Burmese history display some weaknesses, one of them being that the relations between Burma and other countries seem to be overlooked. It would have been better if these scholars had put Burmese pre-modern history in a broader historical development such as Southeast Asian or even world history.