高光 佳絵

This article analyzes the relations between the international news agency and international politics between the World Wars with focusing on Yukichi Iwanaga, DomeiNews Agency and Christopher Chancellor, Reuters. Both, connected with the ForeignMinistries, played a significant role as the second track diplomacy between Japan and the United Kingdom in the 1930s. Especially in 1938, Chancellor visited Japan for the talk with the Japanese Foreign Minister, Kazushige Ugaki and Finance Minister, Shigeaki Ikeda to insist the Japanese Army withdrawal from the Shanghai International Settlement. This was organized by Iwanaga.

本稿は、1934(昭和9 )年の近衛文麿貴族院議長の訪米を、官民一体の対英米関係改善の試みと位置づけ、その民間主導性と日本政府との役割分担を明らかにするものである。近衛が訪米中に接触した相手は、大きく分けて、アメリカ政府関係者、メディア関係者、メディア以外の民間団体関係者の3 つであったが、このうちメディア以外の民間団体関係者との接触には日米のIPR人脈が大きな役割を果たしていた。近衛訪米に対する日米IPRの協力における中心人物は岩永裕吉と高木八尺であった。彼らは、民間レベルの満洲国「承認」模索の延長線上で近衛訪米を支援した。すなわち、彼らの目的は、政府レベルにおいては踏み込むことができないが、長期的な目標としてはアジア・太平洋情勢安定のために不可欠であると日本側が考えていた満洲国承認問題にその「非政府性」を盾にとって接近することであった。

This paper discussed two important points concerning American IPRmembers' cooperation with the U.S. government. First, American intellectuals involvedin the IPR diligently cooperated with the U.S. government, despite the IPR's well-knownprinciple of being "non-governmental" and Edward C. Carter was quite politically activelong before the start of the Second World War, even though he was unconsciously astate-oriented nationalist rather than a communist sympathizer. Second, Carter'ssuggestion that the entire Japanese government (including the army) highly regardedAmerican opinions and possible actions far greater than those of the League of Nationswas the key to deterring Japanese aggression.

The author presents a new understanding of why international relations in the Far East were not stable between the two world wars by examining American policy concerning extraterritoriality in China. The great powers were not going to deal positively with China's recovery of its sovereignty, even after President Wilson advocated self-determination of peoples. The Chinese public was resentful the attitude and chauvinistic nationalism grew. The great powers opened negotiations to cope with this movement in the late 1920s, and the United States was first to recognize Chinese tariff autonomy by the great effort of Kellogg, the Secretary of the State. However, the Far Eastern Division of the State Department was not positive towards the abolition of extraterritoriality in China and did not agree to repealing all rights in treaty, even if the Chinese government took measure to suspend the extraterritorial rights in China unilaterally. It was not until late 1936 that the Far Eastern Division decided to change its policy. Then economic policy of the Chinese government such as tariff revision and the barter trade with Germany became effective. The Far Eastern Division considered that this tendency was a threat to the American trade position in China. Then, the American minister to China (Nelson T.Johnson) proposed to use the abolition of extraterritoriality as a bargaining tool in the negotiation of a reciprocal trade agreement With China. It was his opinion that Chinese nationalism would abolish extraterritoriality in China in the near future. The Far Eastern Division took up his proposal and decided to reopen negotiations over the abolition of extraterritoriality, which had been suspended since the Manchurian Incident. However, the Sino-Japanese War broke out in July of 1937 and the Far Eastern Division measures to repeal extraterritoriality was disturbed again.